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College Students Speak Out for Campus Coffee Week April 17-25, 2010

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For more complete instructions for Campus Coffee Week, go to www.CoffeePartyUSA.com.

Catherine Crabill has enough signatures to get on the Republican primary ballot against Rob Wittman

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I saw this on the Northern Neck News online site:

Friday, Catherine Crabill of Lancaster County, filed the required number of signatures with Republican First District Chairman Tom Foley to be listed as a candidate for the party’s congressional nomination in its June 8 primary.

http://lwpolive.northernneckne…

Here’s the full article:

Crabill secures votes needed

 By Colston Newton

    Rep. Rob Wittman, (RMontross) will not only have to fight a Democrat to keep his seat in Congress but a Republican as well.

  Friday, Catherine Crabill of Lancaster County, filed the required number of signatures with Republican First District Chairman Tom Foley to be listed as a candidate for the party’s congressional nomination in its June 8 primary.

  Crabill submitted “about 1,500” signatures Foley said, adding that his comparison of the votes to the First District’s voter rolls showed that the signatories are registered voters as the law requires.  

  Crabill filed her petitions just before the April deadline for filing, Foley said. He noted that Wittman filed his petitions, which had 2,400 signatures in March. By filing first, Wittman is entitled to be listed first on the ballot, Foley said.

  He added most of Crabill’s signatures came from the Middle Peninsula and Northern Neck.

  As he returned from Afghanistan on Sunday, Wittman had no comment regarding Crabill’s qualification for the primary other than to note she has said she was running against him for the Republican nomination.  

  The primary is a “job interview every two years” he said, noting that his campaign would focus on leadership and “the things we’ve done.”

  The winner of the Republican primary will likely face Krystal Ball of King George and Fredericksburg who is the sole Democratic contentender in November’s election.  

I don’t know enough about 1st District Republican politics to know where this will lead but Wittman can’t be happy with this development.  Given Crabill’s showing against Albert Pollard in last fall’s General Assembly election, she may force Wittman to spend a good piece of his campaign chest in the primary.

On the other hand, Crabill will need money to mount a primary campaign and her next challenge is to make certain her check for the filing fee doesn’t bounce.

I’d appreciate comments from folks who are more conversant with VA-01 Repulbicans than I am.

 

Sometimes Politics IS Having to Say You’re Sorry

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This week former President Bill Clinton took an unusual step.  He admitted he should not have listened to Robert Rubin and Larry Summers on the subject of deregulating derivatives.  In an interview with Jake Tapper, Bill Clinton said:


“On derivatives, yeah I think they were wrong and I think I was wrong to take [their advice] because the argument on derivatives was that these things are expensive and sophisticated and only a handful of investors will buy them and they don’t need any extra protection, and any extra transparency. The money they’re putting up guarantees them transparency,” Clinton told me.

“And the flaw in that argument,” Clinton added, “was that first of all sometimes people with a lot of money make stupid decisions and make it without transparency.”

 The statement was poorly timed (way too late), though refreshing.  This is especially so given the Bushies’ incessant and ridiculous rants about how they (and no one else) are correct about–well, everything.  The extent of their embrace of deregulation and hands-off oversight was without precedent.

Meanwhile, rather than apologize, Dick Cheney adamantly and angrily Rumpelstiltskin-ed his presumed “correctness.” I have to wonder when he will give up the preposterous stance that everything he did was right and everything Obama does deserves his overarching contempt.  The Bush administration was correct less than most administrations, whatever the party. We are still paying for their wrongs of both omission and commission.  I have repeated the litany many a time, so I won’t do so here (but lying us into Iraq and neglecting Katrina victims are not the half of it, as we all know).  Indeed, presidents have been impeached for far less than what they did.  But Cheney keeps it up.  Imagine a world in which George W. Bush and Dick Cheney apologized to the nation for what they did!  Instead, Ole Mr. Buckshot continues to hype his false claims that Obama is either nationalizing the banks or giving another bailout, both of which are so false you wonder how they cam make the claims with a straight face.  

My point is this:  In the ability to self-reflect and self-appraise, Dems outshine GOPhers every time. Spin is a part of politics, but lying should not be.  Nor should be constant obstruction. But the GOP leadership, and too many of its members in Congress and along K Street, continue to lie without shame, to feed at the public trough without  guilt, and to know nothing and do nothing without embarrassment. It’s time for more GOP folk to apologize for leading us astray.  What’s the chance of that happening?

Not only has John McCain nothing to say about all of his many mistakes, he has doubled-own on them, even upping the ante.  Today, Crooks and Liars blog captured his omnipresent pathetic lie-fest best when it used the Dan Hicks song line: How Can I miss you when you won’t go away here.

Meanwhile, such courageous folks as Andrew Sullivan, David Frum and Kathleen Parker have been the point guards on sorely needed Republican rhetoric reform away from the lowest common denominator.  They haven’t exactly apologized for their party.  But, frankly, they shouldn’t have to.  They, at least, have tried to get the party honchos to dial back the extreme rhetoric and fibs.  For example, we all know about David Frum’s recent foray into GOP banishment.  Last fall Parker she wrote this column identifying some of the wayward ways of the current Republican leadership in Congress, including, as she writes “pandering to America’s inner simpleton.”  

This week, Kathleen Parker, tried to dial back the GOP and its unofficially sanctioned (but wink-winked supported) “Tea Parties” from their repugnant flirtation with violent rhetoric. (More on this subject later this week).  Trouble is GOP leaders and talking heads have been part of the problem.  This (honesty  on Parker’s part) has earned the recent recipient of the Pulitzer the bitter condemnation of many a GOPher.  Where is their shame?  Sullivan, Frum Parker, however we disagree with them on many issues, have shown some real courage.  And it’s about time more in the GOP did.

Tea Partying with a Birther British Lord

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It’s unbelievable, isn’t it? A movement named after the Tea Party rebellion against the British aristocracy has joined forces with a British aristocrat.

Lord Christopher Monckton, the 3rd Viscount Monckton of Brenchley, spoke at a Freedomworks Tea Party event on Thursday in DC. But as David Weigel reports, he wasn’t exactly on message, first making a birther “joke,” then confirming he’s a birther:

“I have no idea where he was born,” said Monckton, who was working the crowd and signing autographs. “What I do find strange is that the public records of his Hawaiian birth have been sealed, and can not be obtained by the public. His lawyers have spent a lot of money trying to seal the records of his public life. All of those records should be open to the public, as they always were for previous presidents.”

I pointed out to Monckton that the state of Hawaii released Obama’s certification of live birth nearly two years and ago, and that the persistent challenges to his citizenship have inspired some members of the military to refuse to serve under Obama. “The effective classification of all of these documents of his early life is surely contrary to the spirit of freedom and openness in the Democratic west,” said Monckton. “It’s bound to raise questions in some peoples’ minds. However! I have no idea where he’s born, but it made a nice joke.”

Monckton has made a career out of denying climate science, going so far as to call American youth climate activists “Hitler Youth.” At the event, Monckton also reiterated his stance that all people with HIV should be quarantined.

Republicans try to paint birthers as being on the fringe of conservatism. But when a birther/quarantiner/denier is invited to speak at an event organized by Freedomworks, chaired by former Republican House Majority Leader Dick Armey, the lines between the GOP & the Crazy get increasingly blurry.

Mark Warner on Financial Reform Legislation: “This should not be a partisan issue”

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“I’d love to hear from Senator McConnell and some of the others specifics, not just general attacks…”

“I’m still relatively new to this job, and I didn’t get the memo yet that we weren’t actually supposed to get stuff done in a bipartisan way…this should not be a partisan bill.”

“We need to set financial rules of the road for the next 50-60 years.  We had pretty good rules of the road that were set in the ’30s that lasted us 80 years; I’d love to see a bill that would put the next 80 years rules in place.”

Jeff Schapiro: “Will voter anger sweep Webb out?”

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Personally, I think it’s far, far too early to say much intelligent about Jim Webb’s reelection chances in 2012. For starters, how much “voter anger” will there be at that point, and who will that anger be directed at? Who knows. Second, who will the Republicans nominate to run against Webb (assuming Webb even runs for reelection)? If it’s George Allen, how does he get beyond “macaca” and all the other reasons he lost the last time around? If it’s “Sideshow Bob” Marshall, can a guy even further to the right than “Felix Macacawitz” get elected in Virginia?  Finally, how popular will President Obama be by 2012, since he’ll be on the ballot along with Webb?  At this point, it’s extremely difficult to say. In politics, 2 years might as well be 2 decades. Anyway, we’ll see what happens, first and foremost with the economy, over the next couple years. A lot of things will happen in that time period, we just don’t know what those things will be exactly.

Anyway, please feel free to use this as an open thread on Jim Webb, his performance in office so far, and his reelection chances in 2012.  

Looking Past the Spin: Teach for America

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is perhaps the most important single article to date on what has developed from the Princeton Senior Thesis of Wendy Kopp.  Authored by Barbara Miner, it appears in the Spring edition of Rethinking Schools, which if you care about the future of public education you should support (while the material is available online, you can consider contributing if you choose not to subscribe).  here is the link directly to the article

A PDF version of the article was circulated among similarly thinkers on education a few weeks before the Spring issue was mailed.  I have not written about it until now because I wanted to be certain that it was fully accessible to all I might be able to interest in it, and it was not on the web site (which was being migrated) until earlier this week.  It was only on Saturday afternoon that I had sufficient time to do the article justice.

I will be happy if you have already decided to go read the entire article (again, here’s the link), but in case you have not, let me offer some thoughts that might persuade you.

First, before I go further, let me note that I have permission from Rethinking Schools to quote beyond the normal fair use limitations for the purpose of my reviewing the article, which begins with an italicized statement that alerts you to the focus, Most Teach for America recruits are idealistic and dedicated. But who is behind the organization, and does its approach bolster or hinder urban education reform?

Miner begins describing her thoughts as she is driving towards St. Louis for part of her research on the article, which is when we we encounter her writing

Do people honestly think that sending Ivy League graduates into the St. Louis schools for two years will somehow unlock the academic achievement that is seen as a cornerstone of rebuilding our cities? Can the antidote to educational inequity, urban disinvestment, and neighborhood decay really be so simple?

Let me stop and digress a moment.  Teach for America goes beyond the Ivies to other prestigious schools, including my own Alma Mater, Haverford College, which will on occasion brag to its alumni about the participation of its graduates.  I have on occasion talked seniors out of applying, which has not endeared me to some on the campus.  My argument as a professional educator is simple –  unless the person going in is willing to be open about continuing beyond the required 2-year commitment, it is unfair to the students and the school, because it takes a while for any teacher to become effective, and too many of the students they will encounter already have experienced adults who simply pass through their lives.  

I have been vocal in my criticism of Teach for America (TFA) over the years, to the point that once a VP of the organization asked for a meeting to persuade me they had addressed many of the things I had criticized, and they even gave me access to their internal web-based materials.  While I appreciated the openness, what I saw then, and what I have seen since, has done little to change my skepticism about the entire approach.   Reading Miner’s article strongly reinforced what I already felt.  If that is going to bother you, you can stop reading now and return to Miner, to which I shall also return.

The purpose of Miner’s article, as she notes, is supposed to be about the organization and education reform, not about the abandonment of low income communities of color.  Yet when she returns to her home base of Milwaukee after 2 weeks of interviews and research, she is troubled.  As she writes,

I have come to distinguish between the generally hard-working, smart, and idealistic TFA classroom teachers, and a nation al organization that is as sophisticated, slippery, and media savvy as any group I have ever written about. TFA is perceived as a major player in the education wars over the future of public schools, and a key ally of those who disparage teacher unions and schools of education, and who are enamored of entrepreneurial reforms that bolster the privatization of a once-sacred public responsibility.

But what exactly is TFA’s role in these education wars? Who is directing the organization and to what ends? More importantly, what is TFA’s role in improving urban education?

For many of us who are committed to public education, the question in that brief paragraph immediately above this are key.  

There is no doubt that on some levels TFA, which some critics have labeled as “Teach for Awhile” or “Teach for a Resume,” has achieved “success” (although it may not necessarily be on behalf of the students it ostensibly serves).  As Miner notes, in 2009 it received over 35,000 applications, including an astonishing 115 of Ivy graduates, and as of the writing of the article it had 7,300 teachers in 35 locations, some of which have

significant teacher turnover and hire large numbers of uncertified teachers.

The article is too rich to fully cover in a posting like this, which is why I will again encourage you to read the entire thing. Let me note a couple of things that caught my attention.  TFA now does more training and support of its candidates, including having relationships with a number of schools/colleges of education (which as Miner notes seems to be contrary to the original goal of taking bright graduates and putting them in with little training in the belief that they could still make a difference).  What further caught my attention is that some of the training of their candidates is paid for my our tax dollars:  members receive tuition towards a masters through Americorp, to the tune of a $4,725 annual educational award.  Now, were those receiving that training all committed to remaining in the inner city schools in which they serve I might not object, but for many even this is still but a step on the way to something else, perhaps business school or law school.  Of the three members TFA arranged for Miner to interview in St. Louis (out of the total of 183 in public and charter schools), only one was committed to staying beyond the requisite two years, and even she is thinking beyond the classroom:  she will spend five years teaching while earning masters in education and educational administration, then go to law school, and then . . .?   As this teacher, Melinda Harris, notes

“I can honestly say, what I have learned I could use in another profession: the networking, the time management and organizational skills.”

 And of course the ever-present alumni network will help her with whatever goals beyond the classroom she decides to pursue.

One problem with TFA and how it selects its teachers is the mismatch between teachers and students.  

In 2008 about 10 percent of corps members nationwide were African American, and about 7.5 percent were Latino; overall, almost 29 percent are people of color. Figures for the TFA staff are similar. TFA classrooms, meanwhile, are about 90 percent African American and Latino.

 In theory, there is not necessarily a stumbling block between having white middle class teachers in a predominantly minority school –  I and a majority of the teachers in my school are white, while we are a minority majority school.  But there are differences.  First, while we have students from a variety of economic circumstances, they are still predominantly middle class.  Second, our teachers are committed to the school:  an art teacher who passed away earlier this week had been there since the building opened in the 1970s.  I arrived at the school in 1998, and in my department of 17 teachers there are 5 who were there when I arrived.  

Further, 7,500 is a drop in the ocean of millions of teachers.  Even if we look at the needs of inner-city and rural schools with high degrees of poverty, we needs hundreds of thousands of teachers.  It is not clear to me, or to anyone who has seriously and dispassionately studied TFA, that it provides any kind of useful model for how we serve the millions of children in such schools.  The article includes a separate box which has some remarks from Barnett Berry, who coincidentally is co-founder of the Teacher Leaders Network of which I am a member.  Barnett acknowledges that a Teach for America Recruit might well be better than the uncertified substitute that a child in an inner city school might otherwise have, and of course we should encourage bright and enthusiastic young people to take on the task of such educational settings.  Let me quote 3 paragraphs from that box, so that you get the full impact of Berry’s concerns:  

“But,” Berry continues, “to suggest that TFA is the solution to the nation’s teaching quality gap is misguided at best.”

Berry likens the TFA recruits to sprinters-talented athletes, but insufficient if one wants to build a well-rounded track team. “TFA gets its recruits ready for a sprint, not a 10K or a marathon,” Berry notes. “They look like they are working harder than the veteran teachers. But the veteran teacher has experience and knows that if you want to make a career of teaching, a sprinting pace will burn you out.”

Because TFA recruits aren’t expected to stay, they have two other advantages: they cost less and they tend to do what they are told. “By and large, they don’t raise questions,” Berry notes.

they don’t raise questions –  we already have a problem that the voices of teachers are often not part of the discussions about educational policy.  Teacher Leaders Network is one attempt to try to change that, and one of my compatriots, Anthony Cody, organized the Letters to the President effort that led to a large Facebook group that is now leading to a conversation with Secretary of Education Duncan.  But by and large those of us who are committed to remaining in the classroom have to struggle to get our voices heard.  That may explain some of the hostility one experiences from professional educators towards Teach for America – we see those with little teaching experience, sometimes not all that effective, suddenly being turned to as the experts on how to “fix” education when the voices of those whose efforts will be needed for the success of any meaningful reform continue to be excluded.

Teach for America requires a 2-year commitment.  The statistics on those completing the commitment are somewhat inflated by TFA –  in 2007 only 87% of those who should have been completing the 2 years actually were, and as Miner notes, the completion rate was lower in earlier years.  Further, TFA claims that a survey of its alumni (who are supposed to include only those who completed the 2 years) shows “more than two-thirds of Teach for America alumni are working or studying full-time in the field of education.”  The accompanying graph shows 50% of these as teachers.  But as Miner notes, only 57% of those defined as alumni responded to the survey, and we have no figures on the 43% who did not.  Further,

the field of education is loosely defined to include everything from working with a nonprofit advocacy group to getting a graduate education degree. . . . there is no sense of whether those who responded to the survey tended to be recent alumni, perhaps only a year past their initial commitments and more likely to be in graduate school or teaching for a third year, or older alumni who have moved on to other careers.

This is perhaps an appropriate time to remind those of you still reading of Miner’s title, which includes the words Looking Past the Spin.  Teach for America has been very successful in gaining favorable coverage from Main Stream Media.  I have read the results of the survey to which Miner refers in several major newspapers, both in news stories and opinion pieces, yet I had not before her article seen the details of that survey properly deconstructed and analyzed.  The positive spin the organization receives is continued with the reflected glory by its alumni who go on to other challenges that are also often not examined as critically as they should be.  Thus we have seen favorable news coverage of the Knowledge is Power Program (KIPP) schools, founded by TFA alums Mike Feinberg and Dave Levin, coverage that has now lead to a positive book by Washington Post writer Jay Mathews, who had previously written about Jaime Escalante (full disclosure –  I have known Jay since 1998, and consider him a friend, even though I disagree with his evaluation of KIPP), and of course, former TFA’er and now Chancellor of DC Public Schools Michelle Rhee (whose ex-husband and father of her children, Kevin Huffman, is now Executive Vice President of Public Affairs for TFA and, oh by the way, just so happened to win the Washington Post’s Next Great Pundit contest.  

What concerns many of us committed to public education is the outsized influence and voice TFA and its people have.  Let me quote two brief paragraphs from Miner to attempt to illustrate the reasons for my concern.

First,

Twenty years ago, before TFA had placed a single teacher in a single school, there were glowing articles in the New York Times, Newsweek, and Time, and a segment on Good Morning America. The media love-fest with TFA has never stopped, extending to soft publications always eager for a feel-good story, such as Reader’s Digest and Good Housekeeping. When TFA founder Kopp calls Thomas Friedman at the New York Times, he not only answers her call, but also quotes her extensively (see Friedman’s April 22, 2009, column).

And then, this:  

Some 27 TFA alumni are currently in office, nine more are running for office, and more than 700 are interested in “pursuing political leadership.” TFA has a goal of 100 elected officials in 2010.

Stop and consider that for a moment.  A publicly stated goal of elected officials.  

I know teachers who have pursued public office directly from their classrooms –  both Tim Walz of MN and Larry Kissell of NC were elected to the US House of Representatives directly from their social studies classrooms.  Former Rep. Wayne Gilchrest of MD was, like me, both a former Marine and a social studies teacher.  We have had presidents who served as teachers – Lyndon Johnson began his work career teaching poor children (largely Hispanic) in Texas, an experience which certainly shaped his agenda in the Great Society while serving as our Chief Executive.  

Still, I would hope that we would be encouraging gifted, bright, enthusiastic people who can teach to remain in schools.  I think we should be reshaping the teaching profession so one does not have to leave the classroom to make an adequate living.  That SOME may go on to administration, or school boards, or even elective or appointive office is fine, but I question if that should be the goal.  I wonder how that actually contributes to making our schools better for the children who so desperately need our help.  

It seems as if political power is important to those involved with TFA.  This became evident during the putting together of the Obama administration.  Linda Darling-Hammond of Stanford had been one of the principal advisors on education during the campaign, and had headed up the transition team on education.  For many, she was a logical choice for Secretary of Education.  She had served as an inner city school teacher, and in her years in academia had participated in many important initiatives about teaching and education.  But she was the principal author of a study that had been critical of TFA, and she was vociferously opposed by the TFA network.  For what it is worth, one does not have to be a TFA alumni to participate in politics, and living as I do just outside our national capital I take full advantage of proximity to develop relationships.  I heard both personally and via the internet of the organized campaign against Darling-Hammond, the roots of which were solidly within TFA and its alumni.

Let me return to Miner’s article.  I previously mentioned Kevin Huffman.  Miner interviewed him.  He made clear that the two-year commitment, about which I and so many are critical, is key to TFA’s theory of change.  Let me quote two relevant paragraphs:  

I struggled to remember media references to this “theory of change.” What was this theory? “That we will bring in great people who will have a tremendous impact on the kids they are teaching and who will go on for the rest of their careers to have an impact on root causes that cause the gap in educational outcomes in this country,” Huffman explained.

I noted that TFA’s theory of change sounded top-down and that it left out the voices and perspectives of the communities who were supposed to benefit. I could sense Huffman’s frustration. “I think that misapprehends our theory of change,” he said. This wasn’t just an educational policy initiative, he noted, because TFA hoped that alumni would enter other fields such as medicine and law and make equally important contributions. “We are decidedly nonpartisan and apolitical about what our alumni are pursuing or pushing,” he said. “We have a belief that our alumni have had an experience that will help them make better decisions.”

By now I hope I have convinced you of some of the riches of Barbara Miner’s piece.  But there is much more.   She examines the 501(c)4 that is used in what seems a strange fashion to advance the agenda of TFA.   She also talks with people on the political and educational left who raise concerns about TFA, most notably Mike Rose and the late Howard Zinn  (who is honored in the same issue as this article in Losing our Favorite Teacher). Zinn’s words are important:  

“The idea of bringing in ‘great’ people, ‘important’ people, is counter to the idea of a democratic education,” he wrote. “And all the insistence on not taking policy stands, not having an ‘ideology,’ is simply naïve. Not taking policy stands is itself an ideology, and an ideology which reinforces the status quo in education and in society.”

 

I am firm believer that one function of our schools should be democratic empowerment, especially of those we teach.  It is one reason I have explored rethinking (now there’s an appropriate word, eh?) how we design, structure, and operate our schools.  One might hope that those who teach in public schools would have similar aspirations for our students, and thus might model it themselves.  Which is why a recent study from Stanford is quite illuminating.  On the question of civic engagement, the study

found that TFA alumni actually had lower rates of civic involvement than those who were accepted by TFA but declined, and also had lower rates than those who dropped out before their two years were completed, according to a summary in the New York Times.

Miner also follows the money – the sources of funding for TFA.  I will let you explore this section of the article on your own.  She also explores a study of TFA teachers at which she was pointed by a TFA exec, and which was done by Mathematica.  I suppose the exec cited the Mathematica piece because it offered some criticism of the study led by Darling-Hammond which caused such hostility towards the Stanford Prof from TFA circles.  Let me offer just a snip from that sidebar:  

I went to the Mathematica study and, quite frankly, wondered why TFA was promoting it. I imagined how the Onion might summarize the study: “Teach for America goes up against the worst teachers in the country-they’re both awful!”

Let me offer a couple of other snips to give you a sense of the depth of this article.

In a cover story last fall, Business Week put TFA at the number seven spot in its top 10 listing of “The Best Places to Launch a Career,” just after Goldman Sachs and just before Target.

TFA, meanwhile, actively promotes the value of joining its teaching corps, especially for those thinking of graduate school or immediately transitioning to a corporate job. Its website boasts of TFA’s partnership with over 150 graduate schools offering TFA alumni benefits such as two-year deferrals, fellowships, course credits, and waived application fees. The most popular schools for TFA alumni are Harvard, Stanford, Yale, Northwestern, and the University of California-Berkeley-with Harvard the overall top choice.

Its employer partners, which actively recruit TFA alumni, are equally prestigious and include Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan, KPMG, Credit Suisse, McKinsey and Company, and Google. TFA partners in its School Leadership Initiative for alumni, meanwhile, include the for-profit Edison Schools. (TFA founder Kopp has nothing but praise for Edison in her memoir. She is also open to the idea of vouchers.)

So, TFA becomes a ticket-punching stop on the way to a more “important” and lucrative career outside of teaching, with the added benefit that the alum can feel as if s/he has done a good deed and is now also an expert on education?

TFA is big business:  “TFA had revenues of $159 million in fiscal year 2008 and expenses of $124.5 million.”   Remember, this is for a total of about 7,500 actually in classrooms.  Do the math . . .    

TFA is lucrative for its executives:  

CEO and founder Wendy Kopp made $265,585, with an additional $17,027 in benefits and deferred compensation. She also made an additional $71,021 in compensation and benefits through the TFA-related organization Teach for All. Seven other TFA staffers are listed as making more than $200,000 in pay and benefits, with another four approaching that amount.

Let’s return to Kopp’s praise for Edison, Chris Whittle’s failed attempt at a for profit chain of schools in the public sector, which lost contracts in multiple cities for failure to perform, whose stock was about to be delisted by NASDAQ when it was propped up when then Governor Jeb Bush of Florida used money from the pension fund of Florida teachers to buy shares and thus prop up the stock price.  Kopp just happens to be married to Richard Barth, a former Edison VP  (and TFA staffer) who just so happens to be president and CEO of the Kipp foundation.  As Miner notes, the joint salary of this new power couple in education is over 600,000/year.

Miner also examines Wendy Kopp’s memoir, of which she notes that the only time a school child is mentioned by name is briefly, about 20 pages from the end.  I want to react to this.

I need permission to use the names or identifying information of my current students, or students who were minors at the time they were in my classroom.  Yet if I think about the times I write about education here or elsewhere, it is not at all unusual for me to mention one or more specific students in a piece of 2,500 words or less.  After all, as a teacher I believe my focus is the individual student before me:  that is where I must start and that should be the standard by which my effectiveness should be measured.  It bothers me that Kopp can opine as an expert on education with little reference to individual students.  Perhaps that is because the focus of her organization seems to be on the teachers/future alumni more than it is on the children they should be serving.  I admit it, that bothers me.

Barbara Miner is a very effective writer.  And an effective writer best skewers a target using that target’s own words.  I believe the conclusion to Miner’s piece properly frames, using Wendy Kopp’s own words, what is wrong with the TFA model, which requires only a 2-year commitment to teaching.

So let me conclude using Miner’s words, and in advance wish you my final salutation:

Peace.

But what if one accepts TFA’s assumptions-that its purpose is purely to address educational inequity by recruiting the best and the brightest, training them briefly, and having them teach for two years in a low-income school? And that its model trumps the value of recruiting accredited teachers who view teaching as a career?

Given that the revolving door of unqualified teachers is a key factor in the poor performance of many low-income schools, what are the repercussions of those assumptions? Is TFA aggravating a problem that it claims to be solving?

It is Kopp herself who perhaps best answers that question. Speaking in a 2007 commencement speech at Mt. Holyoke College, Kopp said:

What I have come to appreciate is that things that matter take time. We live in an era when it is rare to meet people in their 20s and 30s who have stayed with something for more than a few years. And certainly, in some cases the right thing is to experiment and move on. But in many cases, the right thing is to stay with something, internalize tough lessons, and push yourself to new levels of knowledge and responsibility. Deep and widespread change comes from sticking with things.

The Stalking Horse

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Much has been made recently of the many angers of the Tea Partyers, to wit: the swollen big federal government, taxes, the national deficit (both budget and trade), Second Amendment rights, states’ rights,  restoring the Real Constitution, President Obama’s socialist/fascist agenda with special fury reserved for the Health Care reform bill, and so on. Now there is another anger-trigger: anyone who implies that the Tea Party members and its many angers are in any way racist, or even slightly prejudiced. No, no, you elitists, the Tea Party’s anger is pure! “Give us our country back!” ” Restore the Constitution our Forefathers’ created!”

Closer examination reveals what is really going on under all the cacophony: almost all of these hot issues are in fact a stalking horse. A stalking horse, you will recall, originally meant a figure behind which a hunter stalked game, and came to mean something used to “mask a purpose,” or to hide the true objective. That is, a pretend goal or project which conceals the real objective; the pretend object can even create so much excitement and hysteria that it can convince not just outsiders but the participants it is a serious matter—- yet it still is a mask.

 

More than one observer has noticed how the Republican and Democratic Parties have exchanged places over the past generation when it comes to the South: those in a state of nostalgia for the vanished Southern agricultural way of life based on slavery (gone with the wind of the Civil War), those evangelicals awaiting the Second Coming which will restore them to their favored position of comfort and authority under God, those enamored with the social Darwinism of a muscular alpha male-dominant unregulated free market libertarianism, those who socially and politically go along to get along and want to retain their special position (like big frogs in small ponds), all those have taken their fantasies and migrated from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party— which welcomed them gleefully, and has relentlessly cultivated their new-found best friends.

If this seems harsh, just wait, there is more. Now, this is not to say there are not many charming and seemingly sincere and gentle people in this Republican migration—- some of them my own relatives, by the way. There is, however, a straight historical line from the politics of writing the Constitution in Philadelphia through the Civil War to today’s Tea Party.  

Many of the delegates came to Philadelphia in 1787 with the express purpose of replacing the Articles of Confederation with a strong national government, among them Madison of Virginia, whose Virginia Plan he himself said was based on “the idea that the states should be nearly annihilated.” (p.285, A Leap in the Dark by John Ferling). This idea  ran into opposition from the small states, who fought against  representation based on population in a national legislature. Although many Northerners held slaves, it was the slave-holding states of the South that arrived with some non-negotiable demands to protect their “peculiar institution,” including counting slaves for purposes of representation based on population in order to secure power in the future legislature.  

In the end the Great Compromise, which never used the actual word slave, created a bicameral legislature with a Senate in which states were given equal representation regardless of population thus satisfying small states, and a House where representation was apportioned based on population. Article I sec. 2 included in the population count three-fifths of  “all other persons” (i.e., slaves), thus confirming slave states’ power since the count applied not just to the legislature but  to the electoral college as well. Slave holders demanded and got even more: Article IV, Sec. 2 required fugitive “persons held to service or Labour” to be returned to their masters. Also, the national government was committed to helping a state to put down an insurrection (which could mean a slave insurrection), and the importation of slaves was not to be prohibited before 1808 (Article I, Sec. 9), nor was the slave trade to be subject to excessive taxation.

Without these clauses protecting slavery, it was obvious that no Southern State would have accepted the Constitution. That acceptance was ultimately based on the belief that the national government could never meddle with slavery because slavery was a matter subject only to state governments. There would have been no Constitution for the 13 states without protecting slavery; the emphasis on the powers of the states compared to the national government was an invention required by slave-holders to protect that peculiar institution.

When Tea Partyers clamor to return to the Constitution, believing the federal government has overstepped its bounds, they are in fact applauding devices intended originally to protect slavery.  Insistence on states’ rights always comes down actually to meaning the right of certain whites to maintain their privileges through local political control. Even today they do not in their hearts believe non-whites have the intelligence and skills to be anything more than low-level laborers, a permanent underclass of servants. States’ rights is the cover story, the stalking horse.  

The belief that the Health Care bill is socialism is embedded in the Tea Party dogma, despite the fact the legislation actually promotes business for private insurance companies. Indeed, Tea Partyers and their Republican partisans accuse Obama wildly of socialism, Marxism, communism, Islamism, and being a complete radical. As it happens, Norman J. Ornstein, a notable conservative at The American Enterprise Institute, demolished these epithets in an article in The Washington Post on 14 April, calling them “frankly, bizarre.”  The individual mandate, he said, comes from the Heritage Foundation (a conservative think tank), and has many features of Republican Mitt Romney’s Massachusetts health care “crossed with the managed-competition bill proposed in 1994 by Republican Senators Chafee, Durenberger, Grassley, and Dole.” Ornstein’s conclusion: “This president is a mainstream, pragmatic moderate…. center-left, perhaps, but not left of center.”  

So, if President Obama is clearly not a socialist, etc., but rather a mainstream American, why would Tea Partyers become apoplectic about him, calling him (as Newt Gingrich does), “the most radical president in American history,” and pretending that absolutely everything he does is socialism or worse? Insistence on smearing Obama as a socialist is a cover; they really want to call him a damned uppity n****r who is plotting to steal the rightful superior position of whites, taking away all their goodies and even their livelihood; besides, he is inferior because he is not “white.” Socialism, Islamism and so on are the cover story, the stalking horse.